The Martyr’s Victorious Death:
Gender and Cosmic Warfare in The Martyrdom of Polycarp
In the Gospel of John, Jesus predicts his own death at the hands of the Roman authorities. He possesses divine understanding of the broken world he selflessly desires to save from sin and the destiny of his evil enemies to suffer in hell for eternity. As Judas prepares to betray the Son of God, John notes that “Satan entered into him” providing an explanation for his fateful act.[1] As the previous quote suggests, early Christianity faced many enemies, not just the obvious ones but also the traitors within. For some of these enemies, their sins come directly from the essence of evil himself—the Devil. The presentation of Jesus as at odds with the forces of Satan are not unique to this passage; the theme lies behind much of the Old and New Testaments, most blatantly in John’s later work Revelation.[2] Mark Jugensmeyer defines this conflict as a “Cosmic War” between good and evil and sees its potential to inspire “soldiers of Christ” on earth.[3] In the second and third centuries, these soldiers took on a more symbolic type of warfare. They were exemplified by the martyrs in their imitation of Christ, similarly murdered by the satanic Roman Empire.[4] As with Jesus’ sacrifice, the martyrs’ deaths were not without a purpose. Through their symbolic display of power and fearlessness in facing death, early Christian martyrs symbolically defeated their Roman persecutors, [5] achieving a victory over the Devil as well, and in doing so, they may have saved the souls of those who witnessed their sacrifice. In characterizing these heroes, the authors of the martyrdom accounts masculinized the martyrs, appealing to established Roman social norms concerned with dominance and a performance of manhood. [6] To enhance the effect, the Romans and other enemies of the Christians were presented with female attributes.[7] The Martyrdom of Polycarp is an excellent example of the presentation of a manly warrior-martyr and his polar opposites. I will attempt to synthesize various views on the subject of gender in warfare and its cosmic implications within the context of this second century Christian martyr account.
The Romans have a long history of villainous acts against the good Christians.[8] As Paul Middleton notes, “[f]rom its inception, Christianity was a religion in crisis”.[9] The threatening environment of the Roman Empire is perhaps responsible for the eschatological obsession of some early Christian texts like Polycarp, which promised “an exemption from the eternal fire”.[10] Jonathan Koscheski argues, “with a largely unshakable faith in an imminent apocalyptic event, there were […] soldiers of Christ who were waging a holy war with a perceived hostile Roman society whose very fibers had become infected with demonic corruption”.[11] Polycarp warns the “mob of pagans and Jews” and the Roman authorities of the “the fire of everlasting punishment and of the judgment that is to come, which awaits the impious”.[12] Polycarp thus asserts his own moral superiority and sets him and other pious Christians apart from their Roman and Jewish peers.
In her study of Greco-Roman gender and social norms and their relationship to the construction of Christian ideals, Colleen Conway explains the male-centeredness of Roman culture and history, drawing upon Thomas Laqueur’s “one-sex model”. The concept supposes that Greco-Roman culture viewed femininity not as a distinct gender category, but as a lack of masculinity.[13] Subsequently, phallic forms appeared throughout the Roman Empire as symbols of perfection and strength. The idea of “penetrating the enemy”, figuratively or not, was thought of as a testimony to one’s achievement in a society which valued masculine activity over female passivity.[14] Thus, the act of performing one’s masculinity in order to secure a good reputation was crucial to establishing the identity of ancient Romans.[15] Conway explains, “such displays were often expressed in terms of courage in battle with a formidable opponent”. Bravery was broadcasted through one’s ability to withstand pain, and face death without fear. [16] Possessing the skill of persuasion was also an effective “weapon”, conveying a metaphorical power over one’s enemy.[17] This standard certainly seeps into Christian depictions of honorable martyrs. The virtue of the ideal Roman (and Christian) man is expressed in his unrelenting self-control, mastery over worldly passions, and dominance over others.[18] Anger and uncontrolled emotion is saved for the submissive female. Polycarp’s conformity to and reinterpretation of this model will be addressed later.
The “us versus them” motif often cited by those who study conflict between groups is central to Jurgensmeyer’s Cosmic War theory and its representation in Polycarp and other martyr texts. One establishes his or her identity through identification with a particular group, consequently leading to the conception of a subordinate or opposing “out-group”.[19] Polycarp does not identify himself as an individual but states with confidence, “listen and I will tell you plainly: I am a Christian”.[20] The out-group in this case is the immoral pagan officials. It is by comparison to the lesser group that the Christians attain their superior status as God’s favorite. L. Stephanie Cobb states, “Intergroup competition typically results in value judgments being placed on individuals or social groups based on the possession of specific resources”.[21] The Romans possess tangible resources like control over the police forces and wealth, but the Christians counter that with what they view as more valuable—rewards in the afterlife. Manhood is also up for grabs. The author of Polycarp affirms the martyr’s manliness by rendering his opponents effeminate. But the Romans are not the only enemies of Polycarp’s story. The character Quintus, another Christian criminal, embodies female cowardice at the first sign of physical threat, “succumbing to the proconsul’s persuasion” and renouncing his faith.[22] This view assigns Quintus a rank below the demonically inspired Roman persecutors. Jonathan Z. Smith explains this seemingly counter-intuitive characterization of a fellow Christian with the concept of “the proximate other”, or what Cobb calls “the black sheep effect”. The “radically other”, most associated with the pagans, is identified by its lack of connection to the group, while the threat of “proximate other” to the Christian identity holds more weight through its close association. Thus, it must be overtly shunned to avoid corrupting the purity of the in-group’s reputation.[23]
The gendered characterization of the heroes and villains in Polycarp mirrors the common Biblical narrative of God’s ultimate domination over the forces of evil and anticipates the eventual defeat of evil predicted in Revelation.[24] Polycarp is a model to be imitated not only because of his top-notch display of masculine fortitude, but also as a warrior in God’s army strengthened by faith. The complex significance of his death is exemplified in the first sentence: “We are writing to you, dear brothers, the story of the martyrs and of blessed Polycarp who put a stop to persecution by his own martyrdom as though he were putting a seal upon it”.[25] As an old man, Polycarp cannot be expected to pose any physical threat to the Empire, but his unexpected performance of manliness subverts the power of “the tyrant” and achieves a symbolic victory over the forces of evil. As Cobb notes, his age maximizes the degree of humiliation suffered by his enemies,[26] transcending the “intentionally humiliating death” which normally typifies the execution of criminals in the arena.[27] His fearless acceptance of pain and death illustrates the power of God, whose participation in the symbolic battle is evident in the “voice from heaven” saying, “Be strong, Polycarp, and have courage” and is referred to by the martyr as “he who has given me strength”.[28] His comprehension of the divine provides him with the confidence to endure suffering in exchange for eternity in paradise.[29] With that strength, he dies in silence.[30] Furthermore, Polycarp’s persuasive power is acknowledged by the consistent shock and amazement of the audience and the Roman authorities. The spectacle of his extraordinary death seems to cause the mob to question their allegiance.[31] For this reason, his death takes on cosmic significance. Perkins writes, “[the martyrs] hold that to die is to win; the wreath is death”[32] thusly turning the Roman concept of the victorious athlete on its head. He inspires the mob and, more importantly, the readers of the account of his sacrifice towards the Christian ideal.
The high degree of masculine power exhibited by Polycarp is proportionate to the incredible lack of control exerted by the Roman authorities and the disorderly mob. Herod, whose name invokes contemplation of his namesake, is the first to crack in the presence of the noble Polycarp. He and his father Nicetes respond to Polycarp’s firm refusal to declare, “Caesar is lord” with escalating emotions,[33] signifying their loss of masculinity by comparison to Polycarp’s exemplary self-control.[34] The mob embodies weakness and femininity to an even greater degree, characterized as “lawless”, bloodthirsty, and constantly shouting with “uncontrollable rage”.[35] Cobb explains that, while the Roman governor is responsible for Polycarp’s death, he is not the most threatening enemy; his tone is relatively moderate. Recall the concept of the proximate other. For this martyrdom account, the description of the Jews, private servants, and apostates suggests the intention to “satanize” the good Christians’ closest foes.[36] The structure of the story supports that argument; it is not until the “crowd marveled that there should be such a difference between the unbelievers and the elect” that the devil appears to interfere with the veneration of Polycarp’s body. He is feminized to signal defeat, described as the “jealous and envious Evil One”.[37] The Jews mirror their pagan counterparts with uncontrolled emotion and “zealously” aid the pagans “(as is their custom)” in collecting wood for the fire. Judith Lieu, connects the negative portrayal of the Jews in the martyr story to the presentation of the Jews’ role during the passion of Christ. Herod of Polycarp reminds the reader of the Herod of Luke’s Gospel, who acts as an adversary of Christ and his disciples.[38] Furthermore, his introduction is followed by a direct reference to “the punishment of Judas” for his betrayal of Christ.[39] However, Lieu argues that the real enemy is not the pagans nor the Jews but the Devil and his evil influence over their vulnerable (penetrable) souls.[40]
The connection between Polycarp and Jesus, the first Christian martyr and the ultimate model of sacrifice, is evident. It raises Polycarp to a superhuman agent of the divine, and granting him and other pious martyrs the status of angels while on earth.[41] Similarly, the enemies of Polycarp are effeminized, relating their submission to Polycarp to that of the Devil dominated by God. The message is powerful, evoking in the reader feelings of either self-esteem[42] or fear of hell through the unavoidable contemplation of death. This story was undoubtedly constructed to not just be read but to be felt and hopefully to save the souls of those moved by its massive cosmic considerations.
The gendered characterization of the heroes and villains in Polycarp mirrors the common Biblical narrative of God’s ultimate domination over the forces of evil and anticipates the eventual defeat of evil predicted in Revelation.[24] Polycarp is a model to be imitated not only because of his top-notch display of masculine fortitude, but also as a warrior in God’s army strengthened by faith. The complex significance of his death is exemplified in the first sentence: “We are writing to you, dear brothers, the story of the martyrs and of blessed Polycarp who put a stop to persecution by his own martyrdom as though he were putting a seal upon it”.[25] As an old man, Polycarp cannot be expected to pose any physical threat to the Empire, but his unexpected performance of manliness subverts the power of “the tyrant” and achieves a symbolic victory over the forces of evil. As Cobb notes, his age maximizes the degree of humiliation suffered by his enemies,[26] transcending the “intentionally humiliating death” which normally typifies the execution of criminals in the arena.[27] His fearless acceptance of pain and death illustrates the power of God, whose participation in the symbolic battle is evident in the “voice from heaven” saying, “Be strong, Polycarp, and have courage” and is referred to by the martyr as “he who has given me strength”.[28] His comprehension of the divine provides him with the confidence to endure suffering in exchange for eternity in paradise.[29] With that strength, he dies in silence.[30] Furthermore, Polycarp’s persuasive power is acknowledged by the consistent shock and amazement of the audience and the Roman authorities. The spectacle of his extraordinary death seems to cause the mob to question their allegiance.[31] For this reason, his death takes on cosmic significance. Perkins writes, “[the martyrs] hold that to die is to win; the wreath is death”[32] thusly turning the Roman concept of the victorious athlete on its head. He inspires the mob and, more importantly, the readers of the account of his sacrifice towards the Christian ideal.
The high degree of masculine power exhibited by Polycarp is proportionate to the incredible lack of control exerted by the Roman authorities and the disorderly mob. Herod, whose name invokes contemplation of his namesake, is the first to crack in the presence of the noble Polycarp. He and his father Nicetes respond to Polycarp’s firm refusal to declare, “Caesar is lord” with escalating emotions,[33] signifying their loss of masculinity by comparison to Polycarp’s exemplary self-control.[34] The mob embodies weakness and femininity to an even greater degree, characterized as “lawless”, bloodthirsty, and constantly shouting with “uncontrollable rage”.[35] Cobb explains that, while the Roman governor is responsible for Polycarp’s death, he is not the most threatening enemy; his tone is relatively moderate. Recall the concept of the proximate other. For this martyrdom account, the description of the Jews, private servants, and apostates suggests the intention to “satanize” the good Christians’ closest foes.[36] The structure of the story supports that argument; it is not until the “crowd marveled that there should be such a difference between the unbelievers and the elect” that the devil appears to interfere with the veneration of Polycarp’s body. He is feminized to signal defeat, described as the “jealous and envious Evil One”.[37] The Jews mirror their pagan counterparts with uncontrolled emotion and “zealously” aid the pagans “(as is their custom)” in collecting wood for the fire. Judith Lieu, connects the negative portrayal of the Jews in the martyr story to the presentation of the Jews’ role during the passion of Christ. Herod of Polycarp reminds the reader of the Herod of Luke’s Gospel, who acts as an adversary of Christ and his disciples.[38] Furthermore, his introduction is followed by a direct reference to “the punishment of Judas” for his betrayal of Christ.[39] However, Lieu argues that the real enemy is not the pagans nor the Jews but the Devil and his evil influence over their vulnerable (penetrable) souls.[40]
The connection between Polycarp and Jesus, the first Christian martyr and the ultimate model of sacrifice, is evident. It raises Polycarp to a superhuman agent of the divine, and granting him and other pious martyrs the status of angels while on earth.[41] Similarly, the enemies of Polycarp are effeminized, relating their submission to Polycarp to that of the Devil dominated by God. The message is powerful, evoking in the reader feelings of either self-esteem[42] or fear of hell through the unavoidable contemplation of death. This story was undoubtedly constructed to not just be read but to be felt and hopefully to save the souls of those moved by its massive cosmic considerations.
Annotated Bibliography
Cobb, L. Stephanie. Dying to be Men: Gender and Language in Early Christian Martyr Texts. New York: Columbia University Press, 2008.
This book is especially helpful for contextualizing the gendered elements of the early Christian martyr stories. It specifically analyzes the Martyrdom of Polycarp as an example of a conflict between opposites. It provides a lot of information on social identity theory, the establishment of individual identity through group membership, the appeal of being part of a group (provides self-esteem and feelings of superiority), and the tendency for groups to negatively perceive others outside of the group. Its discussion of “the black sheep effect” is enlightening in understanding the harsh feminization of secondary characters in Polycarp, specifically Quintus and the Jews. It also gives background information on the history of Roman persecution and the Christian perception of the Romans in light of that.
Conway, Colleen M. Behold the Man: Jesus and Greco-Roman Masculinity. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008.
Conway’s book was the foundation of this paper’s understanding of ancient Roman social and gender norms. It establishes the hierarchy of male over female, and discusses Laqueur’s “one-sex model” and the obsession with phallic imagery. The male is the active penetrator and the female is the passive penetrated body. A real man is impenetrable. It describes typical characteristics of the Greco-Roman manly man as exhibiting self-control, master over the body and sinful passions, and the importance of spectacle and display in constructing individual gendered identities. It talks about the virtue of the successful orator who is gifted in persuasion (traditionally through an excellent education in rhetoric). Also, it addresses characteristics of the flawed female. She is characterized as contrary to the male ideal. These women have no control over their emotions or sexual passions.
Cooper, Kate “The Voice of the Victim: Gender, Representation and Early Christian Martyrdom, Bulletin of the John Rylands University of Manchester 80, no. 3 (1998): 147-157.
This article focuses mostly on the female heroine, which is not of much use to me for this paper. However it does provide some very relevant information such as the element of humiliation experienced by the criminal in the arena, who is put to death in front of a large body of spectators. The early Christian martyrs “subvert humiliation by embracing death”, lending a new perspective to the reasoning behind the powerful symbolic assertion of authority and ability to rattle a crowd. She talks about the voice of the author in relation to his presentation of the martyr account, professing his own authority. She also discusses the stoic silence usually described in the martyr accounts and the self-control displayed through the endurance of pain. Instead of victims, the martyrs are empowered.
The Holy Bible: New Revised Standard Version. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002.
This was really just used to find quotes for the depiction of Judas in John as influenced, possibly controlled by Satan. I also used it to read over Luke’s evil characterization of Herod, who is opposed to Jesus and kills John the Baptists.
Jurgensmeyer, Mark. Terror in the Mind of God: The Global Rise of Religious Violence. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003.
I really wish I could have used this book more because it has some really interesting ideas. I used the basic idea of Cosmic Warfare (which Koscheski believes is relevant for the study of ancient Christian martyrdom although its focus is on contemporary acts of religious violence). I did not include his conception of “the logic of religious violence” which includes a discussion of martyrs, symbolic warfare, and the empowering possibilities of perceiving oneself as a soldier in a cosmic war scenario. Basically, it serves to provide meaning to one’s life and justifies violent action.
Kelley, Nicole. “Philosophy as Training for Death: Reading the Ancient Christian Martyr Acts as Spiritual Exercises.” In Church History 75, no. 4 (2006): 723-747.
This article views martyrdom through the lens of Greek philosophy. I wish I could have used more of it. It contextualizes the martyrdom accounts, by providing relevant information about the time period, who the readers (or really the listeners) were likely to be, and goes through various martyr stories to connect them through the concept of a fearless death. For Kelley, this courage relates to the rational objectivity attained by great Greek thinkers like Plato and Socrates, establishing philosophy (or in Polycarp’s case, theology and spiritual exercises) as a means to overcome the fear of death by understanding the meaning of it and losing all uncertainty of what will come after death. This allows the martyr to experience unmoving faith and confidence, and overcoming the power of their passions through a “view from above” perspective or the divine perspective. It also discusses the victory in the martyr’s death and its meaning.
Koscheski, Jonathan. “The Earliest Christian War: Second and Third Century Martyrdom and the Creation of Cosmic Warriors.” In Journal of Religious Ethics 39, no. 1 (2011): 108.
Koscheski’s article really hit the nail on the head for me. He directly draws for Jurgensmeyer’s concept of Cosmic War and applies it to analyzing the function and meaning behind early Christian martyr texts. He calls them “warriors” for Christ. He provides a justification for viewing the Roman Empire as the evil enemy threatening the survival of Christianity and explains the common association of Rome with Satan. It also goes into the eschatological mindset of the early Church and its implications on the urgency and eagerness of martyrs to die for their group. The early Christians did not typically engage in actual warfare, but were still highly influence by military and war imagery and thus took on a non-violent symbolic struggle against evil, in which the victory came as a result of superior strength of obedience and faith and not physical ability. The martyr is viewed as a heroic warrior-like figure worth imitating.
Lieu, Judith. Neither Jew Nor Greek?: Constructing Early Christianity. London: T&T Clark International, 2002.
I couldn’t get much out of this because it was already checked out at the library. But I did find a nice section on the depiction of the Jews in Polycarp. It provided the behind the text information I was looking for on why the Jews were presented in such a way and how they could be viewed as enemies aligned with the Roman authorities. She ultimately makes the case for their relative innocence the powerful influence of Satan over them and their lack of strength to overcome it.
Middleton, Paul. Radical Martyrdom and Cosmic Conflict in Early Christianity. London: T&T Clark, 2006.
Middleton defines the cosmic significance of the martyr stories. He defines the concept of “radical martyrdom”, which again, I wish I could have used. He explains the eager frenzy of some martyrs who seek out the opportunity to be arrested and martyred in order to receive the benefits of the sacrifice. His introduction to “making and unmaking martyrs” was very enlightening. He suggests that because of the complications of defining what constitutes authentic martyrdom (providing the controversial depiction of Paul Hill as a martyr killed by the state after killing an abortion doctor to illustrate the ambiguity of the term) and claims that “martyrs are not defined; martyrs are made”, which is just wonderful, noting the importance of understanding the world in the text and that it is less productive to view these accounts as representing historical fact than to view it as a reflection of the author’s (or the community’s, or the time’s) specific worldview and agenda. Wish I could have said more about it!
Mursurillo, Herbert. The Acts of the Christian Martyrs. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972
This was my primary text, The Martyrdom of Polycarp, there were many relevant passages that I could not fit into this paper like the parts that talk about the practical use of the narrative to spread the word about Christianity’s spiritual and moral dominance over the pagan majority which would encourage conversion. That is exemplified by the authorship of the whole community, the references to all of Christianity, and the conversation after the story. Many more examples of Polycarp’s courage and nobility were left out and the description of his miraculous death is really incredible. Also, there were many overt connections made to the Gospel stories of Jesus’ passion (that he predicted his death, the slaves, Quintus and the jews connection to Judas, etc..). Also there were many more examples of his superior masculinity that just could not fit.
Perkins, Judith. The Suffering Self: Pain and Narrative Representation in the Early Christian Era. London: Routledge, 1995.
This book focused on the martyrs’ response to pain and physical suffering and the symbolic victory implied by their courage. It talks about the hierarchy of power within the Roman Empire and how one can effectively subvert that power by asserting social dominance in the form of the joyful death. The martyrs’ deaths ultimately become a victory. She makes many references to Foucault and his understanding of how power is enforced and how it is manifested and maintained, often subtly, in everyday life. She addrsses the literary function of Polycarp’s old age and how success in the afterlife is used to triumph over power on earth.
This book is especially helpful for contextualizing the gendered elements of the early Christian martyr stories. It specifically analyzes the Martyrdom of Polycarp as an example of a conflict between opposites. It provides a lot of information on social identity theory, the establishment of individual identity through group membership, the appeal of being part of a group (provides self-esteem and feelings of superiority), and the tendency for groups to negatively perceive others outside of the group. Its discussion of “the black sheep effect” is enlightening in understanding the harsh feminization of secondary characters in Polycarp, specifically Quintus and the Jews. It also gives background information on the history of Roman persecution and the Christian perception of the Romans in light of that.
Conway, Colleen M. Behold the Man: Jesus and Greco-Roman Masculinity. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008.
Conway’s book was the foundation of this paper’s understanding of ancient Roman social and gender norms. It establishes the hierarchy of male over female, and discusses Laqueur’s “one-sex model” and the obsession with phallic imagery. The male is the active penetrator and the female is the passive penetrated body. A real man is impenetrable. It describes typical characteristics of the Greco-Roman manly man as exhibiting self-control, master over the body and sinful passions, and the importance of spectacle and display in constructing individual gendered identities. It talks about the virtue of the successful orator who is gifted in persuasion (traditionally through an excellent education in rhetoric). Also, it addresses characteristics of the flawed female. She is characterized as contrary to the male ideal. These women have no control over their emotions or sexual passions.
Cooper, Kate “The Voice of the Victim: Gender, Representation and Early Christian Martyrdom, Bulletin of the John Rylands University of Manchester 80, no. 3 (1998): 147-157.
This article focuses mostly on the female heroine, which is not of much use to me for this paper. However it does provide some very relevant information such as the element of humiliation experienced by the criminal in the arena, who is put to death in front of a large body of spectators. The early Christian martyrs “subvert humiliation by embracing death”, lending a new perspective to the reasoning behind the powerful symbolic assertion of authority and ability to rattle a crowd. She talks about the voice of the author in relation to his presentation of the martyr account, professing his own authority. She also discusses the stoic silence usually described in the martyr accounts and the self-control displayed through the endurance of pain. Instead of victims, the martyrs are empowered.
The Holy Bible: New Revised Standard Version. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002.
This was really just used to find quotes for the depiction of Judas in John as influenced, possibly controlled by Satan. I also used it to read over Luke’s evil characterization of Herod, who is opposed to Jesus and kills John the Baptists.
Jurgensmeyer, Mark. Terror in the Mind of God: The Global Rise of Religious Violence. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003.
I really wish I could have used this book more because it has some really interesting ideas. I used the basic idea of Cosmic Warfare (which Koscheski believes is relevant for the study of ancient Christian martyrdom although its focus is on contemporary acts of religious violence). I did not include his conception of “the logic of religious violence” which includes a discussion of martyrs, symbolic warfare, and the empowering possibilities of perceiving oneself as a soldier in a cosmic war scenario. Basically, it serves to provide meaning to one’s life and justifies violent action.
Kelley, Nicole. “Philosophy as Training for Death: Reading the Ancient Christian Martyr Acts as Spiritual Exercises.” In Church History 75, no. 4 (2006): 723-747.
This article views martyrdom through the lens of Greek philosophy. I wish I could have used more of it. It contextualizes the martyrdom accounts, by providing relevant information about the time period, who the readers (or really the listeners) were likely to be, and goes through various martyr stories to connect them through the concept of a fearless death. For Kelley, this courage relates to the rational objectivity attained by great Greek thinkers like Plato and Socrates, establishing philosophy (or in Polycarp’s case, theology and spiritual exercises) as a means to overcome the fear of death by understanding the meaning of it and losing all uncertainty of what will come after death. This allows the martyr to experience unmoving faith and confidence, and overcoming the power of their passions through a “view from above” perspective or the divine perspective. It also discusses the victory in the martyr’s death and its meaning.
Koscheski, Jonathan. “The Earliest Christian War: Second and Third Century Martyrdom and the Creation of Cosmic Warriors.” In Journal of Religious Ethics 39, no. 1 (2011): 108.
Koscheski’s article really hit the nail on the head for me. He directly draws for Jurgensmeyer’s concept of Cosmic War and applies it to analyzing the function and meaning behind early Christian martyr texts. He calls them “warriors” for Christ. He provides a justification for viewing the Roman Empire as the evil enemy threatening the survival of Christianity and explains the common association of Rome with Satan. It also goes into the eschatological mindset of the early Church and its implications on the urgency and eagerness of martyrs to die for their group. The early Christians did not typically engage in actual warfare, but were still highly influence by military and war imagery and thus took on a non-violent symbolic struggle against evil, in which the victory came as a result of superior strength of obedience and faith and not physical ability. The martyr is viewed as a heroic warrior-like figure worth imitating.
Lieu, Judith. Neither Jew Nor Greek?: Constructing Early Christianity. London: T&T Clark International, 2002.
I couldn’t get much out of this because it was already checked out at the library. But I did find a nice section on the depiction of the Jews in Polycarp. It provided the behind the text information I was looking for on why the Jews were presented in such a way and how they could be viewed as enemies aligned with the Roman authorities. She ultimately makes the case for their relative innocence the powerful influence of Satan over them and their lack of strength to overcome it.
Middleton, Paul. Radical Martyrdom and Cosmic Conflict in Early Christianity. London: T&T Clark, 2006.
Middleton defines the cosmic significance of the martyr stories. He defines the concept of “radical martyrdom”, which again, I wish I could have used. He explains the eager frenzy of some martyrs who seek out the opportunity to be arrested and martyred in order to receive the benefits of the sacrifice. His introduction to “making and unmaking martyrs” was very enlightening. He suggests that because of the complications of defining what constitutes authentic martyrdom (providing the controversial depiction of Paul Hill as a martyr killed by the state after killing an abortion doctor to illustrate the ambiguity of the term) and claims that “martyrs are not defined; martyrs are made”, which is just wonderful, noting the importance of understanding the world in the text and that it is less productive to view these accounts as representing historical fact than to view it as a reflection of the author’s (or the community’s, or the time’s) specific worldview and agenda. Wish I could have said more about it!
Mursurillo, Herbert. The Acts of the Christian Martyrs. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972
This was my primary text, The Martyrdom of Polycarp, there were many relevant passages that I could not fit into this paper like the parts that talk about the practical use of the narrative to spread the word about Christianity’s spiritual and moral dominance over the pagan majority which would encourage conversion. That is exemplified by the authorship of the whole community, the references to all of Christianity, and the conversation after the story. Many more examples of Polycarp’s courage and nobility were left out and the description of his miraculous death is really incredible. Also, there were many overt connections made to the Gospel stories of Jesus’ passion (that he predicted his death, the slaves, Quintus and the jews connection to Judas, etc..). Also there were many more examples of his superior masculinity that just could not fit.
Perkins, Judith. The Suffering Self: Pain and Narrative Representation in the Early Christian Era. London: Routledge, 1995.
This book focused on the martyrs’ response to pain and physical suffering and the symbolic victory implied by their courage. It talks about the hierarchy of power within the Roman Empire and how one can effectively subvert that power by asserting social dominance in the form of the joyful death. The martyrs’ deaths ultimately become a victory. She makes many references to Foucault and his understanding of how power is enforced and how it is manifested and maintained, often subtly, in everyday life. She addrsses the literary function of Polycarp’s old age and how success in the afterlife is used to triumph over power on earth.
Notes:
[1] The Holy Bible: New Revised Standard Version (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 117.
[2] Paul Middleton, Radical Martyrdom and Cosmic Conflict in Early Christianity (London: T&T Clark, 2006), 42.
[3] Mark Jurgensmeyer, Terror in the Mind of God: The Global Rise of Religious Violence (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), 10.
[4] Jonathan Koscheski, “The Earliest Christian War: Second and Third Century Martyrdom and the Creation of Cosmic Warriors,” Journal of Religious Ethics 39, no. 1 (2011): 108.
[5] Kate Cooper, “The Voice of the Victim: Gender, Representation and Early Christian Martyrdom,” Bulletin of the John Rylands University of Manchester 80, no. 3 (1998), 148.
[6] L. Stephanie Cobb, Dying to be Men: Gender and Language in Early Christian Martyr Texts (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008), 11-14.
[7] Cobb, 14.
[8] Middleton explains that the “fear of persecution was greater than its actuality”, 1.
[9] Middleton, 1.
[10] Herbert Mursurillo, The Acts of the Christian Martyrs (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), 5.
[11] Koscheski, 101.
[12] Christian Martyrs, 11.
[13] Cobb, 25.
[14] Colleen M. Conway, Behold the Man: Jesus and Greco-Roman Masculinity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 22.
[15] Conway, 18.
[16] Judith Perkins, The Suffering Self: Pain and Narrative Representation in the Early Christian Era (London: Routledge, 1995), 114-115.
[17] Conway, 31-32.
[18] Conway, 22-24.
[19] Cobb, 18.
[20] Christian Martyrs, 11.
[21] Cobb, 21.
[22] Cobb, 74.
[23] Cobb, 80 & 89-90.
[24] Cooper, 153.
[25] Christian Martyrs, 3.
[26] Cobb, 79-80.
[27] Cooper, 148.
[28] Christian Martyrs, 9 & 13.
[29] Nicole Kelley, “Philosophy as Training for Death: Reading the Ancient Christian Martyr Acts as Spiritual Exercises,” Church History 75, no. 4 (2006), 733 & 735.
[30] Cooper, 151.
[31] Christian Martyrs, 15.
[32] Perkins, 111.
[33] Christian Martyrs, 15.
[34] Cobb, 81.
[35] Christian Martyrs, 11 & 13.
[36] Cobb, 81-83.
[37] Christian Martyrs, 15.
[38] Judith Lieu, Neither Jew Nor Greek?: Constructing Early Christianity (London: T&T Clark International, 2002), 142-146.
[39] Christian Martyrs, 7.
[40] Lieu, 145.
[41] Christian Martyrs, 7.
[42] Cobb, 22.
[1] The Holy Bible: New Revised Standard Version (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 117.
[2] Paul Middleton, Radical Martyrdom and Cosmic Conflict in Early Christianity (London: T&T Clark, 2006), 42.
[3] Mark Jurgensmeyer, Terror in the Mind of God: The Global Rise of Religious Violence (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), 10.
[4] Jonathan Koscheski, “The Earliest Christian War: Second and Third Century Martyrdom and the Creation of Cosmic Warriors,” Journal of Religious Ethics 39, no. 1 (2011): 108.
[5] Kate Cooper, “The Voice of the Victim: Gender, Representation and Early Christian Martyrdom,” Bulletin of the John Rylands University of Manchester 80, no. 3 (1998), 148.
[6] L. Stephanie Cobb, Dying to be Men: Gender and Language in Early Christian Martyr Texts (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008), 11-14.
[7] Cobb, 14.
[8] Middleton explains that the “fear of persecution was greater than its actuality”, 1.
[9] Middleton, 1.
[10] Herbert Mursurillo, The Acts of the Christian Martyrs (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), 5.
[11] Koscheski, 101.
[12] Christian Martyrs, 11.
[13] Cobb, 25.
[14] Colleen M. Conway, Behold the Man: Jesus and Greco-Roman Masculinity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 22.
[15] Conway, 18.
[16] Judith Perkins, The Suffering Self: Pain and Narrative Representation in the Early Christian Era (London: Routledge, 1995), 114-115.
[17] Conway, 31-32.
[18] Conway, 22-24.
[19] Cobb, 18.
[20] Christian Martyrs, 11.
[21] Cobb, 21.
[22] Cobb, 74.
[23] Cobb, 80 & 89-90.
[24] Cooper, 153.
[25] Christian Martyrs, 3.
[26] Cobb, 79-80.
[27] Cooper, 148.
[28] Christian Martyrs, 9 & 13.
[29] Nicole Kelley, “Philosophy as Training for Death: Reading the Ancient Christian Martyr Acts as Spiritual Exercises,” Church History 75, no. 4 (2006), 733 & 735.
[30] Cooper, 151.
[31] Christian Martyrs, 15.
[32] Perkins, 111.
[33] Christian Martyrs, 15.
[34] Cobb, 81.
[35] Christian Martyrs, 11 & 13.
[36] Cobb, 81-83.
[37] Christian Martyrs, 15.
[38] Judith Lieu, Neither Jew Nor Greek?: Constructing Early Christianity (London: T&T Clark International, 2002), 142-146.
[39] Christian Martyrs, 7.
[40] Lieu, 145.
[41] Christian Martyrs, 7.
[42] Cobb, 22.