Enigmas of the Desert
Gender and Sexuality of the Desert Mothers
Simon Peter said to them, "Make Mary leave us, for females don't deserve life."
Jesus said, "Look, I will guide her to make her male, so that she too may become a living spirit resembling you males.
For every female who makes herself male will enter the kingdom of Heaven."
Gospel of Thomas, 114
I. Introduction
As the early Christian church began to flourish under Constantine’s rule in the fourth century Greco-Roman world, so too did the ascetic movement. This shift from the mainstream life to a simple life of solitude was catalyzed by the physical, geographical movement of Saint Antony. Revered as the father and founder of desert asceticism, the movement grew as an alternative form of martyrdom creating a community of renunciation in the desert. By moving into the desert, men and women ascetics replaced the voice of the martyr’s blood and became the voices of the desert (Chryssavgis 2008, 143). Women who moved from the home-centered subordinate lifestyle of mainstream society transitioned into a new arena of freedom found in the ascetic lifestyle. This autonomy is seen in the lesser known writings of the Desert Mothers who “did not allow cultural norms and expectations for women to thwart their call nor limit their pursuit of God” (Swan 2001, 18). As such, the Desert Mothers tended towards adopting more masculine-gendered traits to achieve acceptance into desert monasteries and cultivating authority within the ascetic movement. This gendering is seen primarily through three different categories of women: widows, battling with fornication, and androgyny. By critically examining gender theory its application to other female ascetics in antiquity, the abatement of the Desert Mothers sexuality takes on a greater meaning in how these women are portrayed through their sayings and the stories of their lives.
II. Gender Theory - Female Ascetics
The gender binary that exists between male and female is skewed in analyzing the gender and sexuality of the Desert Mothers. Blurring the lines of these gender norms challenges the Greco-Roman social and cultural structures that are seen as the natural way for men and women to act. Judith Butler argues that sex and gender are not natural rather “gender is performative, a stylized repetition of acts, in which bodily gestures, movements, and styles of various kinds constitute the illusion of an abiding gendered self (Brakke 2005, 27).” Butler’s argument of performative action gendering an individual agrees with the one-sex model conceived from Thomas Laqueur. His one-sex model argues that male bodies are perceived to be perfection and female bodies are the imperfect males (Vander Stichele and Penner 2009, 60). This phallogocentric way of interpreting the human body is seen throughout early Christian texts referring to women achieving salvation by becoming male. These gender theories support the evidence that the Desert Mothers began performing more masculine actions to renounce their femaleness for adopting maleness. By resisting the male control over their womanhood, female ascetics were liberated from their sexual energies and able to pursue knowledge and spiritual growth argues Virginia Burrus. The women are then free to pursue becoming more masculine in their quest to imitate Christ through silence, vigilance, spiritual discipline, patience, endurance, humility, and compassion (Mellinger 2007, 12). This breaks the normative female performance as a lesser being by taking on typically masculine traits in behavior and also physically transforming the body.
As the early Christian church began to flourish under Constantine’s rule in the fourth century Greco-Roman world, so too did the ascetic movement. This shift from the mainstream life to a simple life of solitude was catalyzed by the physical, geographical movement of Saint Antony. Revered as the father and founder of desert asceticism, the movement grew as an alternative form of martyrdom creating a community of renunciation in the desert. By moving into the desert, men and women ascetics replaced the voice of the martyr’s blood and became the voices of the desert (Chryssavgis 2008, 143). Women who moved from the home-centered subordinate lifestyle of mainstream society transitioned into a new arena of freedom found in the ascetic lifestyle. This autonomy is seen in the lesser known writings of the Desert Mothers who “did not allow cultural norms and expectations for women to thwart their call nor limit their pursuit of God” (Swan 2001, 18). As such, the Desert Mothers tended towards adopting more masculine-gendered traits to achieve acceptance into desert monasteries and cultivating authority within the ascetic movement. This gendering is seen primarily through three different categories of women: widows, battling with fornication, and androgyny. By critically examining gender theory its application to other female ascetics in antiquity, the abatement of the Desert Mothers sexuality takes on a greater meaning in how these women are portrayed through their sayings and the stories of their lives.
II. Gender Theory - Female Ascetics
The gender binary that exists between male and female is skewed in analyzing the gender and sexuality of the Desert Mothers. Blurring the lines of these gender norms challenges the Greco-Roman social and cultural structures that are seen as the natural way for men and women to act. Judith Butler argues that sex and gender are not natural rather “gender is performative, a stylized repetition of acts, in which bodily gestures, movements, and styles of various kinds constitute the illusion of an abiding gendered self (Brakke 2005, 27).” Butler’s argument of performative action gendering an individual agrees with the one-sex model conceived from Thomas Laqueur. His one-sex model argues that male bodies are perceived to be perfection and female bodies are the imperfect males (Vander Stichele and Penner 2009, 60). This phallogocentric way of interpreting the human body is seen throughout early Christian texts referring to women achieving salvation by becoming male. These gender theories support the evidence that the Desert Mothers began performing more masculine actions to renounce their femaleness for adopting maleness. By resisting the male control over their womanhood, female ascetics were liberated from their sexual energies and able to pursue knowledge and spiritual growth argues Virginia Burrus. The women are then free to pursue becoming more masculine in their quest to imitate Christ through silence, vigilance, spiritual discipline, patience, endurance, humility, and compassion (Mellinger 2007, 12). This breaks the normative female performance as a lesser being by taking on typically masculine traits in behavior and also physically transforming the body.
III. The Desert Mothers
By playing a significant role in the ministry and leadership of ascetic Christianity, the Desert Mothers proved to make male leaders uncomfortable with their public roles. As a result, these women sought out the solitude of the desert which in turn offered these women a greater sense of physical and spiritual autonomy (Swan 2001, 10). When the Church Fathers encountered virtuous women such as the Desert Mothers, it challenged the notion that women were miserable, abject creatures that fell from Eve (Mellinger 2007). Their quest for ascetic perfection was not bound to villages allowing them to venture into the desert where their female characteristics disappeared and they became men (Elm 1994, 262). These women of deep Christian character and action broke the prescribed female nature and strove to exemplify the masculine qualities found in Christ. This is seen in the three categories of gendering that occurred – widowhood, androgyny, and the temptation of sexual desires.
By playing a significant role in the ministry and leadership of ascetic Christianity, the Desert Mothers proved to make male leaders uncomfortable with their public roles. As a result, these women sought out the solitude of the desert which in turn offered these women a greater sense of physical and spiritual autonomy (Swan 2001, 10). When the Church Fathers encountered virtuous women such as the Desert Mothers, it challenged the notion that women were miserable, abject creatures that fell from Eve (Mellinger 2007). Their quest for ascetic perfection was not bound to villages allowing them to venture into the desert where their female characteristics disappeared and they became men (Elm 1994, 262). These women of deep Christian character and action broke the prescribed female nature and strove to exemplify the masculine qualities found in Christ. This is seen in the three categories of gendering that occurred – widowhood, androgyny, and the temptation of sexual desires.
Melania the Elder
Widowed at the age of 22, Melania the Elder “created her own desert through self-imposed exile” and refused to sink back into the ranks of her powerful family (Brown 1988, 279). Instead of settling into another marriage, Melania the Elder pilgrimaged into the Egyptian desert, selling all of her possessions and set out to learn more about the ascetic way of life. In doing so, she eventually established both women’s and men’s monasteries, investing her familial riches into increasing the ascetic way of life (Swan, 115-116). Adopting the rigorous scholarly lifestyle of her male counterparts, Melania challenged the normative gender structures in choosing to lead an ascetic lifestyle. Palladius details Melania as a “female man of God” when she confronts a Palestinian governor as she is on her way to minister to exiled Egyptian bishops and priests asserting, “I am So-and-So’s daughter and So-and-So’s wife. I am Christ’s slave”. The governor apologizes, revers her, and allows her to meet with the men she is ministering to (Cox Miller 2005, 208). This interaction not only subverts the political boundaries between the elite Palestinian governor and an elite Christian but also the gender boundaries of woman and man. By ministering to exiled Christian men and asserting her masculine authority over the governor, Melania establishes herself as a strong Christian leader, unbound to the gender norms prevalent at this time. Through leading male and female monasteries and asserting her dedication as Christ’s slave, Melania overtly resists the androcentric culture of desert asceticism thus paves the way for future Desert Mothers.
Widowed at the age of 22, Melania the Elder “created her own desert through self-imposed exile” and refused to sink back into the ranks of her powerful family (Brown 1988, 279). Instead of settling into another marriage, Melania the Elder pilgrimaged into the Egyptian desert, selling all of her possessions and set out to learn more about the ascetic way of life. In doing so, she eventually established both women’s and men’s monasteries, investing her familial riches into increasing the ascetic way of life (Swan, 115-116). Adopting the rigorous scholarly lifestyle of her male counterparts, Melania challenged the normative gender structures in choosing to lead an ascetic lifestyle. Palladius details Melania as a “female man of God” when she confronts a Palestinian governor as she is on her way to minister to exiled Egyptian bishops and priests asserting, “I am So-and-So’s daughter and So-and-So’s wife. I am Christ’s slave”. The governor apologizes, revers her, and allows her to meet with the men she is ministering to (Cox Miller 2005, 208). This interaction not only subverts the political boundaries between the elite Palestinian governor and an elite Christian but also the gender boundaries of woman and man. By ministering to exiled Christian men and asserting her masculine authority over the governor, Melania establishes herself as a strong Christian leader, unbound to the gender norms prevalent at this time. Through leading male and female monasteries and asserting her dedication as Christ’s slave, Melania overtly resists the androcentric culture of desert asceticism thus paves the way for future Desert Mothers.
Amma Syncletica of Alexandria
Amma Syncletica was born into a respected Christian family where her two brothers died young and her sister was born blind. In her parent’s home, her ascetic practice began where like Thecla, she rejected the idea of marriage despite for “outstanding physical beauty” and dreamt of a divine marriage “for the heavenly Bridegroom alone” (Pseudo-Athanasius, 7). She was moved into deeper ascetic practice following the death of her parents. Thus assuming the patriarchal role as head of her family, Syncletica sold all possession and distributed out her family’s wealth. Consecrating her ascetic practice and signaling her transition into a masculine role, she cut off her hair and moved with her sister into the family tomb in the desert (Swan, 42). By taking on this male disguise, Syncletica created the image of female independence and autonomy. This portrayal of becoming male in physical appearance reflects the renunciation of Syncletica’s female nature (Davis 2002, 9). Although taking on a masculine appearance, Syncletica still acknowledges her womanhood when addressing her female followers about sexual temptations of the flesh (Pseudo-Athanasius, 48-50). Thus Syncletica becomes neither fully male nor female but takes on an androgynous identity in her ascetic practice.
Amma Syncletica was born into a respected Christian family where her two brothers died young and her sister was born blind. In her parent’s home, her ascetic practice began where like Thecla, she rejected the idea of marriage despite for “outstanding physical beauty” and dreamt of a divine marriage “for the heavenly Bridegroom alone” (Pseudo-Athanasius, 7). She was moved into deeper ascetic practice following the death of her parents. Thus assuming the patriarchal role as head of her family, Syncletica sold all possession and distributed out her family’s wealth. Consecrating her ascetic practice and signaling her transition into a masculine role, she cut off her hair and moved with her sister into the family tomb in the desert (Swan, 42). By taking on this male disguise, Syncletica created the image of female independence and autonomy. This portrayal of becoming male in physical appearance reflects the renunciation of Syncletica’s female nature (Davis 2002, 9). Although taking on a masculine appearance, Syncletica still acknowledges her womanhood when addressing her female followers about sexual temptations of the flesh (Pseudo-Athanasius, 48-50). Thus Syncletica becomes neither fully male nor female but takes on an androgynous identity in her ascetic practice.
Amma Sarah of the Desert
Modeling the ideal ascetic life Amma Sarah’s life challenged the lives of male ascetics who heard of her desert life. Born into a wealthy Christian family, Sarah was well educated and an avid reader. She eventually moved from the city into the desert living in a cell within the vicinity of a women’s monastery. Much of her struggle in the desert was centered on the demons of fornication and lust that attacked her. This passion of her sexuality was a battle that she fought her whole life, seeking to rid any lustful desire that separated her from God (Swan, 36-37). It seems as though by seeking to overcome her sexual desires, Sarah also is overcoming her feminine nature that so often is regarded to as an instrument of the devil (Brown, 3). This decomposition of her femaleness and assertion of masculinity culminates in Sarah telling other male monks, “It is I who am a man, you who are women” (Cox Miller, 249). By stating this, Sarah has acknowledged her transformation from a tool of the devil as a female into a warrior of God in the masculinity found in ascetic practice.
Modeling the ideal ascetic life Amma Sarah’s life challenged the lives of male ascetics who heard of her desert life. Born into a wealthy Christian family, Sarah was well educated and an avid reader. She eventually moved from the city into the desert living in a cell within the vicinity of a women’s monastery. Much of her struggle in the desert was centered on the demons of fornication and lust that attacked her. This passion of her sexuality was a battle that she fought her whole life, seeking to rid any lustful desire that separated her from God (Swan, 36-37). It seems as though by seeking to overcome her sexual desires, Sarah also is overcoming her feminine nature that so often is regarded to as an instrument of the devil (Brown, 3). This decomposition of her femaleness and assertion of masculinity culminates in Sarah telling other male monks, “It is I who am a man, you who are women” (Cox Miller, 249). By stating this, Sarah has acknowledged her transformation from a tool of the devil as a female into a warrior of God in the masculinity found in ascetic practice.
IV. Conclusion
The extreme renunciation found in desert asceticism is shown clearly through the gender transformation that the Desert Mothers undergo. Within these stories of the Desert Mothers, the liberation found in the desert is seen through these women gaining control over their bodies and sexuality (Burrus, 32). Melania the Elder challenges the authority of non-Christina men and ministers to exiled male bishops showing the liberation from masculine social domination. New expressions of sexuality are seen in Amma Syncletica’s androgyny and Amma Sarah’s masculine transformation. These women of the desert create and defend new communal boundaries, rewriting and redefining women’s bodies in asceticism. For these Desert Mothers, “sexual asceticism represents liberation from precisely such male attempts to control women’s sexuality, social relationships, and intellectual strivings; and their articulation of their own sexuality remains attentive to the knowledge and experience of their own bodies” (Burrus, 51). Contemporaries to these ancient mothers include, Tamav Irene, who emulated the life of Amma Syncletica, carried on the tradition of the Desert Mothers into modernity by reforming and guiding women into ascetic life. Additionally, journalists have stepped into the world of asceticism, documenting and experiencing the ancient practice of desert asceticism.
The extreme renunciation found in desert asceticism is shown clearly through the gender transformation that the Desert Mothers undergo. Within these stories of the Desert Mothers, the liberation found in the desert is seen through these women gaining control over their bodies and sexuality (Burrus, 32). Melania the Elder challenges the authority of non-Christina men and ministers to exiled male bishops showing the liberation from masculine social domination. New expressions of sexuality are seen in Amma Syncletica’s androgyny and Amma Sarah’s masculine transformation. These women of the desert create and defend new communal boundaries, rewriting and redefining women’s bodies in asceticism. For these Desert Mothers, “sexual asceticism represents liberation from precisely such male attempts to control women’s sexuality, social relationships, and intellectual strivings; and their articulation of their own sexuality remains attentive to the knowledge and experience of their own bodies” (Burrus, 51). Contemporaries to these ancient mothers include, Tamav Irene, who emulated the life of Amma Syncletica, carried on the tradition of the Desert Mothers into modernity by reforming and guiding women into ascetic life. Additionally, journalists have stepped into the world of asceticism, documenting and experiencing the ancient practice of desert asceticism.
Annotated Bibliography
“Apopthegmata partum”, in Women In Early Christianity 2005, edited by Patricia Cox Miller. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 2005.
This primary source translated the sayings of the Desert Mothers. These sayings of only three Desert Mothers made up a minor part within the collection of sayings from the Desert Fathers. In researching these female ascetics, it was difficult to find information delving into more depth about these sayings. This is due in part that women did not make up the majority of the literary and rhetorical world of the fourth and fifth century. Despite this barrier, it is remarkable that the sayings of three Desert Mothers were revered worthy enough to be included in the compilation of male ascetics.
Brown, Peter. The Body And Society. New York: Columbia University Press, 1988.
Using the section titled, “Daughters of Jerusalem”: The Ascetic Life of Women in the Fourth Century, Brown sketches out the diversity of female ascetic experiences and practice. In doing so, he draws upon the works of Basil, Gregory of Nyssa, Athanasius, and John Crysostom who address or describe these women. The focus of the chapter began on virgins within the early church and transitioned into the origins of female asceticism. The pious ascetic women are given a great definition as Brown synergizes the ancient texts of the Church Fathers. Towards the end of the chapter the focus shifts to describing the lives seen in these texts with overviews of several different ascetic women given.
Burrus, Virginia. “Word and Flesh: The Bodies and Sexuality of Ascetic Women in Christian Antiquity.” Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 10, no. 1 (1994): 27-51.
Burrus’ article served as one of the foundational works to the research above. By surveying the sexuality and use of the body in female asceticism, she critically analyzed how female ascetics used and transformed these aspects. Similar to other sources used, Burrus draws upon the writings of the Church Fathers and their gendered impression of these women. In doing so, Burrus recognizes the other ways in which female ascetics are gendered in the Post-Constantinian world. This is done in discussing the redefinition of communal and cultural boundaries that the female ascetics liberated from traditional definitions. This source proved to be extremely useful in recognizing the various ways the Desert Mothers challenged the gender norms placed upon them.
Cloke, Gillian. ‘This Female Man Of God’. New York: Routledge, 1995.
Cloke’s survey of women in antiquity served to show an overview of the roles women pursued within the early Christian church. Drawing from the works of the Church Fathers – Augustine, Ambrose, Jerome, Chrysostom, and the Desert Fathers – readers learn about the sources of the patristic perceptions of these women and the problems that occur with this androcentric interpretation. Focusing on the sections involving Melania the Elder, Cloke did a great job of describing the feminine components of Melania’s life such as her call to ascetic, widowhood, and her authority that she gained in founding desert monasteries. Additionally, other prominent early Christian woman leaders were surveyed within the areas of spirituality in social context, virginity, widowhood, marriage, motherhood, and in ministry. This source proved to have a wealth of information not only in discussing Melania the Elder but also gaining a deeper understanding of the perception of female Christian leaders in antiquity.
Davis, Stephen. “Crossed Texts, Crossed Sex: Intertextuality and Gender in Early Christian Legends of Holy Women Disguised as Men.” Journal of Early Christian Studies 10, no. 1 (2002): 1-36
This article focuses on the transformation that female ascetics undergo by cutting off their hair and putting on men’s clothing. Davis draws upon the stories of Saint Hilaria and Mary of Egypt primarily to argue the case transvestite saints destabilize the fundamental opposition of sexual division. In his article, he also discusses how Christ was viewed as an androgynous or gender-ambiguous figure. This aided in the discussion of Syncletica’s androgyny. Additionally, examples were given from the Old Testament on variations of Joseph and Potiphar’s wife. These examples strengthen the analysis and argument that although undergoing physical transformation, the ancient writers would not let their readers forget that the saints were still women by nature.
Elm, Susan. ‘Virgins Of God’ The Making Of Asceticism In Late Antiquity. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996.
Beginning with the origins of Christian asceticism, Elm sets the foundation for her chapter on the Desert Mothers and Christian Virgins. She argues throughout the chapter that these women are represented in numerous sources throughout antiquity. Giving examples through Melania the Elder, Syncletica, Theodora, Paula, Eustochium, and others, the reader sees the evidence of her argument in only discussing three different texts. The chapter also seeks to define these women in describing their radical withdrawal from society and their transformation into men. Elm argues that this withdrawal and alienation is part of the spiritual progression that any ascetic encounters. These women in the desert were less controllable and lived according to their own discretion through obedience to God.
Mellinger, Laurie. “”Why Can’t a Woman be More Like a Man?” Comparing the Spirituality of the Desert Mothers and a Contemporary Christian Feminist’s Spirituality.” Evangelical Journal 25, no. 1 (2007): 10-15.
This article focused on comparing and contrasting the spirituality of the ancient Desert Mothers to present day Christian feminists. Tapping into the more spiritual side, it provided a perspective that was interesting to complement many of spiritual primary sources on the Desert Mothers. The analysis sought to argue that women strove to become more masculine to emanate Jesus’ lifestyle. After covering the Desert Mothers, Mellinger transitions to the present day Christian feminist spirituality. She argues that we need women to become more like Jesus through his disciplines. In doing so she eludes back to the Desert Mothers who did become men and mimicked Jesus’ identity.
Palladius. The Lausiac History. Translated by Robert T. Meyer. New York: Newman Press, 1964.
This text served as a primary source for Melania the Elder’s life. Additionally the lives of other Desert Mother’s not discusses – Olympias and Melania the Younger – are included within this collection.
Penner, Todd, and Caroline Vander Stichele. Contextualizing Gender In Early Christian Discourse. New York: T&T Clark International, 2009.
The authors of this text served to concretely present the varying aspects found in using the gender critical lens when applying it to early Christianity. Interweaving the story of Thecla, Vander Stichele and Penner analyze the use of gender, sex, and sexuality in antiquity. They discuss the discourse surrounding gender in early Christianity then transition into how boundaries are gendered while addressing the politics and colonial influences. This source helped mold the section addressing gender criticism and set up the foundation for understanding how the Desert Mothers are portrayed throughout early Christian texts.
Pseudo-Athanasius. The Life & Regimen Of The Blessed & Holy Syncletica. Translated by Elizabeth Bryson Bongie. Eugene: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2003.
This primary source was useful in discerning the language and image that Pseudo-Athanasius gave Amma Syncletica in this work. Although only using parts dealing with her life and how she speaks about herself, this text is a vital piece in understanding the Desert Mothers. As one of the more prominent Desert Mothers, Amma Syncletica’s life supplements the sayings that are included within the collection of saying from the Desert Fathers and Mothers.
Swan, Laura. The Forgotten Desert Mothers. New Jersey: Paulist Press, 1954.
Providing a wonderful overview of all the Desert Mothers that were named through various texts, Swan’s book served as a reference throughout the paper to refer to. As information about the Desert Mothers specifically was scarce, this source filled the missing pieces. Additionally, Swan explores each Mother’s contribution to asceticism through their sayings. Despite the wealth of factual information gleaned from this source, it also proved to be a spiritual source where one could reference how the Desert Mothers approached topics such as prayer, listening, humility, and silence.